WHAT MAKES EDUCATION POLICY TRANSFER SUCCESSFUL? THE CASE OF THE NATIONAL ASSESSMENT AND EXAMINATION CENTER OF GEORGIA.

AuthorTabatadze, Sandro
  1. Introduction

    In public policymaking, policy transfer has never been an unknown phenomenon. Transferring policies has become one of the practical tools of policymaking in the modern era. Similar observations can be made in the education policy. Even though nation-states are still seen to be the prominent actors in education policy and transfer, the role and importance of local and international non-governmental organizations, foreign agencies and consultants, and international corporations are getting more and more crucial (Novoa, 2002; Phillips and Ochs, 2004; Tanaka, 2005; Beech, 2006; Forestier and Crossley, 2015). Education policy transfer can be made when some problem occurs or some planned policies need to be justified (Steiner-Khamsi, 2006). Both cases were visible during the transformation of post-socialist education.

    After the collapse of the Socialist block, drastic changes in all spheres of life were made. Despite not being prioritized from the very beginning, in the first years of independence, post-socialist newly elected governments and intellectuals tried to start a discussion about the new education goals, contents, methods, and systems (Birzea, 1994; Silova, 2006; 2009). In this period of uncertainty and inexperience, western international organizations, like the World Bank (WB), Open Society Foundations (OSF), and International Monetary Fund (IMF), had become the agents of lesson drawing and policy transfer. Hence, market-oriented initiatives and policies have become mainstream in policy change (Silova and Steiner-Khamsi, 2008).

    Similar observations can be made in the Black Sea and South Caucasus post-Soviet Georgia. It has the following current parameters: US$ 5.015--GDP per capita, 0.8--Human Development Index (HDI), 36 - GINI index, and a population of less than 4 million (World Bank, 2022; Geostat, 2022). After regaining independence in 1991, Georgia faced civil conflicts and still struggles with creeping occupation by Russia (Kuroptev, 2020; Tabatadze, 2022; Vermetten, 2020). However, it is still described as a hybrid regime (Freedom House, 2022; Machitidze and Temirov, 2020). Georgia signed an Association Agreement (AA) with the EU in 2016 and sent a statement to become an EU candidate state, having close relationships and active partnerships with NATO.

    The Georgian case of the post-soviet education transformation, in terms of the National Assessment and Examination Center, can be meaningful for three main reasons. Firstly, after independence till the Rose Revolution, the education system was driven by Soviet inertia. At the same time, the post-revolutionary period can be described as a deep and fostered pro-Western development path that changed the whole policy image, including the education policy shifts and practices (Tabatadze, Dundua and Chkuaseli, 2022). Secondly, the role of international organizations while transforming the national education system is vividly clear while examining the Georgian case. Indeed, WB, IMF, and OSF were prominent donor institutions that supported different projects to restructure and strengthen the country's educational system. One of the most important and successful projects is linked to the establishment of a National Assessment and Examination Center (NAEC). This organization has become the prominent institution that plans and conducts school leaving and university entrance examinations and national-wide assessments. Thirdly, NAEC is seen as the best education policy change since the Rose Revolution and can be labelled as a case of policy transfer (Bakker, 2014; Gabedava, 2013; Gorgodze and Chakhaia, 2021).

    Therefore, this article aims to examine the factors that facilitate and hinder policy transfer success based on the example of the National Assessment and Examination Center in Georgia. Therefore, the research question can be formulated as follows: what factors make policy transfer successful based on the case of NAEC? The article is divided into five parts. Firstly, a brief overview of Georgia's education shifts is outlined; then, sections of conceptual framework and research methods are presented. Thirdly, results and discussion, and finally, a conclusion is made.

  2. Georgia's education policy shifts: NAEC in focus

    In Georgia, due to harsh socio-economic conditions and civil conflicts, public spending on education has dramatically declined after regaining independence from the Soviet Union. Employees in this sector received almost no salaries, and the policy process was driven by Soviet inertia (Chankseliani, 2013; Janashia, 2016; Orkodashvili, 2010; Kitiashvili and Chkuaseli, 2013). At the same time, international organizations are entering the education policy arena, trying to reform and develop the education sector. In Georgia, the WB has initially become the key player in transforming and strengthening the general education system. The WB's project, approved by the Ministries of Education and Finance of Georgia, was the highest loan since regaining its independence. One of the components of the project dealt with establishing a transparent and standardized examination model to reduce the level of corruption that was a massive problem in Georgia (Temple, 2006). In 2002, the National Examination and Assessment Center (NAEC) was established, though any significant policy change had not occurred (Bakker, 2014; Chankseliani et al., 2020; Gorgodze and Chakhaia, 2021).

    However, after the 2003 Rose Revolution, when youngsters peacefully changed the previous government, education policy started to shake. The direction of such earthquakes was deeply Western, as Euro-Atlantic integration was seen as the only way for Georgia (Coene, 2016; Fairbanks, 2004; Tabatadze, 2019). Some authors also point out that reforms in all public spheres were too radical and not well-planned (Cheterian, 2018; Dobbins, 2013; Jones, 2012; Papava, 2006; Wheatley, 2017). In terms of NAEC, the main change was that it became the legal entity of Ministry of Education (MoE), not an independent institution as the WB's project planned it. Also, the first national-wide project of NAEC was implemented: Unified National Examinations (UNEs) were introduced. It is an ongoing state-centralized model when NAEC (as a state legal entity) plans, conducts, and assesses the results of applicants who want to enroll at higher education institutions. So, the role of universities is totally neglected, and they receive the lists of people who will be their first-year students.

    Although NAEC still plays a crucial role in the education system of Georgia, academic literature lacks papers relating to this institution or its policies. Before NAEC, the university admission model was corrupt, in which university administration and some professors were involved (Bakker, 2014; Rostiashvili, 2011); some authors highlight the importance of UNEs and relate it to meritocracy and the fight against corruption (Gabedava, 2013). In other papers, the authors point out that UNEs foster the private tutoring system, reduce the role of the national curriculum and its goals, and increase the inequality between entrants from urban and rural areas (Bregvadze, 2012; Chankseliani, 2013; Gorgodze and Chakhaia, 2021; Kobakhidze, 2018).

    The most-known policies of NAEC are Unified National Examinations (UNEs) and School Graduation Exams (SGEs). Until 2005, university entry exams were held by individual universities. The process was full of corruption (Chankseliani, 2013; Gorgodze and Chakhaia, 2021) that harmed the government's image. From this point of view, it is believed that the reasons for NAEC's policy success were the appropriate political context, fast implementation, and anti-corruption outcomes (Gorgodze and Chakhaia, 2021). Indeed, the centralized admissions model has been viewed favorably by the local population and the entire political spectrum (Bethell and Zabulionis, 2012; Chakhaia and Bregvadze, 2018). UNEs consisted of three compulsory subjects: Georgian language and literature, foreign language, and General Ability Tests (GATs). Also, pupils had to take one additional subject (history, geography, chemistry, biology, etc.) that universities selected depending on faculties and programs (Gorgodze and Chakhaia, 2021). More than 600 proctors worked at 20 regional examination centers to ensure transparency. Police officers backed up the process. Barcodes rather than names still identify tests and are evaluated separately by at least two assessors to avert bias. Then, due to societal pressure, the encrypted exams were sent to the Cambridge University printing house in the UK, sealed, and returned to Tbilisi, Georgia (Berglund and Engvall, 2015). NAEC determines a minimum passing score; however, universities, faculties, and programs can raise the score for each subject (Berglund and Engvall, 2015; Gorgodze and Chakhaia, 2021). Also, tests are published as soon as exams are held. Then, after receiving scores, students can see works with assessment criteria and apply for appellation if needed (Gorgodze and Chakhaia, 2021). Regarding the content of UNEs, the Georgian education system and society know-how were laid into General Ability Tests (GATs). The fully multiple-choice test consisted of two sections: mathematics and verbal. Based on the in-depth interviews and other documents, we can assume that the mathematician part was largely driven by standardized tests (SAT) used in the USA to measure students' college readiness. The verbal part was mainly based on the experience of the National Institute for Testing & Evaluation (NITE)'s psychometric entrance test conducted in Israel.

    After a successful policy transfer and increased trust in the state-centralized examination model, the MoE of Georgia decided to make new reforms in 2010. They decided to introduce state-centralized School Graduation Examinations (SGEs) in all core subjects, like math, physics, chemistry, history, geography, foreign language...

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